Next stop, Brussels: Serbia’s preparation for EU accession

13 Jan 15
Serbia is a country looking to the future and a key component of its vision is becoming a full member of the European Union. Here, Serbia’s Head of the Negotiating Team to the European Union, Tanja Miščević, talks about progress made and challenges ahead

By EY editorial team | 13 January 2014

Serbia is a country looking to the future and a key component of its vision is becoming a full member of the European Union. Here, Serbia’s Head of the Negotiating Team to the European Union, Tanja Miščević, talks about progress made and challenges ahead.

The recent economic woes of the European Union (EU) have been well documented. But while the twin perils of recession and joblessness have left deep scars across the region, Europe’s economic and political union continues to enjoy substantial allure. Still the world’s largest single market, Europe exports goods worth hundreds of millions of euros and imports hundreds of millions more every day. With such rich development potential on offer, it is little wonder that a number of countries are currently jostling for position in the queue for membership — with Serbia leading the way.

This is no overnight decision. Along with five other Western Balkans countries, Serbia was first identified as a potential candidate for EU membership during a European Council summit in 2003. The process formally began two years later and today, after several twists and turns, accession negotiations are well underway and being led, on Serbia’s side of the table, by its Head of the Negotiating Team to the European Union, Tanja Miščević.

Given the intricate and complex web that is high-level diplomacy, one might expect Miščević to be a lifelong public servant, but hers is actually an academic background, admittedly one steeped in European politics. Having studied the EU institutions as a university student — “I was hooked on EU issues” — Miščević continued to closely track the accession process of Central and East European countries, while at the same time pursuing an academic career at the University of Belgrade. Her level of expertise soon attracted the attention of government officials who, in 2005, invited her to become Director of the Serbian European Integration Office, the first of several roles she was to fill on the frontline of Serbia’s accession process.

“I’m not coming from the political sphere,” she points out. “I’m not a member of any political party and have been borrowed by the Serbian government and have a very small team working with me who help me keep track of the agenda. Regardless of the political affiliation of the new Coalition Government, they have accepted the knowledge and the experience of our team and that’s something that is a really positive development.”


On the road to accession

The recent European Commission report on Serbia’s progress toward EU membership must have made for largely pleasant reading among Belgrade’s policymakers. But while the Commission concluded that Serbia is making faster progress than its Balkan neighbours, Miščević is not taking anything for granted. Indeed, her commitment to success is such that the focus is not on the positive elements of the report, but rather the areas where they can be doing better.

“The interesting thing is how the European Commission is preparing the report,” she reflects. “For me, the recommendations within the report are the most significant because these are extremely important not only for the next year’s reforms, but also for the negotiation process itself. They will be the first things that will come up on our agenda. It also creates a very positive atmosphere within the region as to who is performing best. This healthy challenge can help us and also our neighbours.”

She is also keen to stress, though, that the positive analysis from her colleagues in Brussels has served as quite a boost. “I’m very proud of the assessment as it goes not only to me, of course, but to the Serbian European Integration Office and each and every person participating in the negotiation structures, which is something like 2,000 people.” Miščević was particularly gratified to receive the endorsement of Stefan Fule, the former European Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy, who told MEPs recently that “Serbia has shown a high level of commitment and professionalism in the first phase of negotiations” — a comment that was music to her ears. “I think that itself says quite a lot,” she concludes.

Miščević, who has now pivoted to the accession negotiations full-time after reluctantly concluding that she could no longer balance her government commitments with those of the university lecture hall, goes on to pinpoint the economy as absolutely critical. “The outcome of the financial and economic crisis that we are still in remains top of my mind,” she says. “Obviously, there are other areas which are very important, such as the rule of law, energy and environment but we cannot make progress there without strong economic development.”

Speaking from her neat and tidy government office in Belgrade — no towers of Brussels-related paperwork here — she goes on to say that she is “extremely proud” of two areas that have previously been subject to a high level of criticism; Serbia’s media laws and freedom of expression. “After many years we have moved in the right direction,” she says. “And nobody has noticed that. For the first time we have a set of legal acts which are going to create a sound system for the media to function. Both the media and journalist associations are speaking with freedom and this is something that we desperately needed since the 1990s. Of course, we can say that nothing has changed because we are at the very beginning of the process of its implementation. But for the first time we have the legal basis.”


Making the case for Europe

Such reforms are a good example of the progress that Miščević and her colleagues have already made, but it is equally clear that there remains some way still to travel. After all, many of the economic reforms — such as those that have reduced the numbers of public sector jobs and other austerity measures — have encountered resistance among the populace. How to maintain the momentum behind the reforms while at the same time preserving the popularity of the EU among Serbian voters is a key priority going forward, admits Miščević.

“It’s a tricky issue,” she says. “The real impact of European integration lies in the changes that the harmonization and acceptance of EU standards in different areas will bring to Serbia. For example, it’s very difficult to explain why we need 10.5 billion euros to harmonize with the EU in the area of environment. But when you tell people that recent floods and rivers brought a lot of dirt, garbage and waste into their backyard and we need to ensure that there is still safe drinking water, then it’s easy. How we go about explaining is key.”

This is of particular significance because of the slow, yet seemingly unremitting, rise of Euro-skepticism across many Member States that has occurred in recent years. “It is much more difficult to negotiate now,” argues Miščević. “There is now less economic and financial support that can be provided, certainly when compared to central and eastern European countries when they joined in the mid-1990s. But people have to understand that even with all of these problems, Serbia is strongly dedicated to go for it. The only mandate that I have is to negotiate in the best possible interest of Serbia, to prepare Serbia to be a fullfledged Member State, not just another second or third tier country.”

However, a quick check of the latest opinion polls underlines the balancing act facing Miščević and her team. “Some 52% of the Serbian population will accept or will support Serbia’s membership to EU,” she says. “It dropped from 74% back in 2004, but 52% is something that you can work on as it’s more than a half. But on the other hand, 67% are for the reforms. And that is the crucial thing. So actually you can build on the argument that we are not pursuing the reforms because of the EU membership, but because of ourselves. Creating this new system and the administrative and local government structures will enable us, as citizens of this country, to live a normal life. I think that people do understand that, even though it is difficult for them to understand the austerity measures that the government has had to introduce.”

Jean-Claude Juncker, the recently appointed President of the European Commission, has said no new countries are expected to join the Union in the next five years. But, Miščević remains confident that plans are on track, if a little frustrated with the impact of his remarks. “We did not envisage even the possibility of becoming an EU Member before 2020,” she says. She goes on to explain that the process of integration with Europe is an onerous, comprehensive process that cannot be rushed if it is to be done properly.

“When we presented our opening statement kicking off the negotiations process we said that we will finalize our negotiation at the end of 2018, which at the time was five years away,” she points out. “And we said that afterwards it would take us at least two years to finalize all other issues which are necessary for becoming a member. And of course, it’s not because we are not enthusiastic, but because we are realistic in approaching the issue. But it doesn’t help when at the beginning of the new Commission’s term its leadership sends out such a bold message. As a result, several people in Serbia have asked me ‘Why do you bother when they don’t want us?’ and ‘Why do you work so hard when they told you at the very beginning of your work — no chance?” However, Miscevic’s determination to press ahead seems undiminished.


Beyond borders

Of course, the voices against Brussels are by no means confined to those within Serbia’s borders. However, Serbia’s position is made more complex due to the relationship with Kosovo. While steps have been made toward a normalization of relations, 15 years since the end of the military conflict between the two sides, Miščević agrees with the suggestion that the situation remains the “biggest obstacle” to Serbia’s EU’s accession.

“It depends on the separate assessment of each of the 28 Member States and that’s very difficult,” she says. “Right now, there is no high-level political dialogue because there is no government in Kosovo so that means we are waiting. Some Member States, not all of them, believe there are things that can be achieved without the Pristina government. The technical dialogue is indeed ongoing, but there are some problems that cannot be solved without the government.”

Serbia’s relationship with Russia has also come under the microscope recently. That the two countries have traditionally enjoyed strong ties is a fact well understood in both Brussels and across European capitals. The two nations not only share many similarities such as Orthodox Christian faith and use of Cyrillic script, but Russia is also one of the largest investors in Serbia, and Serbian companies enjoy free-trade access in return.

However, some have questioned how Serbia’s backing for Russia — it has refused to impose sanctions against Moscow over its role in the Ukraine conflict, for example — can tally with the pressing need to harmonize its foreign policy with that of the EU. Miščević admits these divided loyalties mean that it’s something of a balancing act. “The main strategy for Serbia is EU membership but on the other hand, we have to survive first to reach this membership,” she says. “If there is no money for helping us from the EU, then we have to look elsewhere. We have established very good relations with China, with the Arabs and the US so why not Russia? And we are also extremely dependent on Russia for our energy security.”

In part, this is due to the EU’s unwillingness to include Serbia in its plans for secure energy supplies, because it hadn’t yet begun the accession process, “I remember when we asked the European Commission and Member States to include us, it was seen as too early — ‘you are not even a candidate country’ is what we were told,” she recalls. “So we hope that in future energy policy discussions Western Balkan countries will be included, because we cannot be left alone.”

The energy issue has also manifested itself in South Stream, a planned gas pipeline to transport Russian natural gas to Bulgaria and through Serbia, Hungary and Slovenia to Austria. The recent tensions between the EU and Russia have prompted some to question the project’s viability, but Miščević believes that Serbia’s is not the leading voice. “We are such a small part of the project,” she says. “It’s actually a Euro-Russian project and the decision on what will happen with this project will be taken jointly by Russia and the EU. We are only one of the countries on this pipeline and we will have to follow what is going on in this respect.”


Between Brussels and Belgrade

The nature of the job means that the Miščević is a frequent commuter between Brussels and Belgrade. “If I am in Brussels that means that I’m still with the team because now we are in a phase where we are doing everything together,” she says. “We have a structure for the negotiation which consists of the 35 working groups. Each and every group has its own head and president. With some of them we are on the phone on a daily basis and with others it is less frequent. Serbia’s European Integration Office supports all these working groups and is a critical part of the negotiation structure.”

Miščević, though, is keen to stress that the dedication of her colleagues — from across government, civil society and beyond — keeps driving her forward. “It still surprises me that we have a lot of dedicated, enthusiastic and educated people working on EU integration,” she says. “You might see that I’m both an optimistic and energetic person but their passion fills me with even more determination.”

Clearly, Miščević and her team know there are many challenges that lie ahead. But her unyielding optimism — matched by her passion for the EU and firm belief that it represents a force for good in our interconnected world and for her country — suggests their mission will be successful. Time will tell, of course, but on the evidence available few would bet against her.

This feature was first published in the December edition of EY's Dynamics 

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